an issue or two which may be relevant to the implementation of
this guidance when it is finally given.

Of particular relevance here is the question of political strategy
used in the implementation of socialism in Tanzania. It seems to
me that it is this question that is the basic root of the problems of
‘democratising’ social processes generally and instituting workers
participation at the factory—level. Tanzania's strategy has not
gone as far as to identify a ‘working class’ that can be viewed as
the chief action-agent of socialist development. The Arusha
Declaration envisages a socialist society in Tanzania which is
given as ‘one in which all people are workers’. But it adds that
even now Tanzania is ‘a nation of workers and peasants’ but with
‘elements of feudalism and capitalism—with their temptations’.
There are therefore conceptual difficulties in identifying the key
categories involved—difficulties which necessarily reflect them-
selves in the attempts to adopt strategies and tactics.

It is obvious that these difficulties are a result of the ideological
plane on which development policy in this country is based. Tan-
zania’s ‘ujamaa’ does not emanate from a dialectical class analysis
of society—it is very much ‘an attitude of mind’ whose cultivation
cannot be placed very easily on the pedestal of a strategy for the
purpose of analysis and evaluation.

This in my view is at once a cause and a result of the am-
biguous role of TANU—at its lower achelons particularly—as |
have already tried to demonstrate briefly. Since it is not buttressed
by clear political strategies—which can be drawn only from a
scientific ideological position, TANU has consistently found it dif-
ficult to act as a cohesive, strong mobilising and organising body.
While at the top there have been constant pronouncements that in
the context of Africa can only be described as radical, these have
mostly been a result of the orientations of individuals within it,
rather than of its organisational strength.

At the grass-roots level therefore the Party position is even
more precarious; activities there depend almost solely on the
qualities of isolated individuals. Since party membership is so
amorphous, and one cannot differentiate by any qualitative stan-
dard a member from a non-member, and since there is not much
organisational power within the body, what role can TANU be
expected to play at the factory-level.

As a consequence of the absence of political strategy due to the

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