colonialists and began to consolidate its economic position, while the mass of the people continued to wallow in their age-old miseries, unaffected by the act of independence. Frequently, however, that act of independence also opened the door for a doggish competition of the various sectors of the petty bourgeoisie for pre-eminence, hence giving rise to the constant changes of government which Africa is now so much used to. In Tanganyika, the post-independence strikes were partly a result of the ambition of the trade union leaders to challenge the new government leaders — both categories of leaders being more and more alienated from the ranks of workers and peasants for whom they had been speaking most vociferously in the period preceding independence. The new government leaders, aware of the potential power of the trade unions, moved very fast to crush their capacity. Within the first year of independence, new legislation restricting and ef- fect banning strikes was passed, subsequently some of the most outspoken trade union leaders were either co-opted into the government machinery or were detained under a new detention act. Strikes were therefore reduced from 203 in 1960 to 13 in 1965, and man days lost from 1.5 million to 1.9 thousand.'? The culmination was reached in 1964 when, following the army mutiny, the trade union movement was totally disbanded and its leaders detained for alleged complicity in a coup attempt. Of this period, many writers have endeavoured to present a dramatic picture of a struggle between, on the one hand a progressive and even revolutionary government/ TANU leader- ship, and on the other a reactionary, neo-colonialist and racist Tanganyika Federation of Labour. The TFL-TANU tussle, though it appeared to be a struggle for per- sonal power, was fundamental and deeply rooted in the conflict of the two diametrically opposed stances: the TFL wanting to retain the colonial economic infra-structure, but with Africans, ‘owning and man- ning’ it, and the TANU wanting to restructure the economy to initiate socialist development of the entire people — the wage workers and the peasants. '? This is a very simplistic and one-sided explanation. It fails to take into account the contradictions which emerged in the society on the morrow of independence, particularly the intra-class rivalry of 141