April 12, 1918. THE COLLIERY GUARDIAN. 749 Amongst the numerous activities of Trade the Ministry of Reconstruction our Organisation attention has recently been drawn and to the Engineering Trades (New Development. Industries) Committee, which, under the chairmanship of the Hon. II. D. McLaren, M.P., has been formed for the purpose of assisting the engineering firms in dealing with the problems which may be expected to arise in the establishment of new industries after the war. The large accession of labour and plant which has been brought about by the demands of the war has led to a marked inflation of engineering effort, and if the position thus created is to be made use of in the general development of trade when peace conditions are restored, some means must be found for the employment of largely increased resources for the manufacture of material other than munitions of war. The main question which the above-named Committee have to consider, therefore, is to determine how these resources can be best utilised. It is a matter which will concern individual manufacturers directly, and the general prosperity of the country indirectly. Mr. McLaren’s Committee is a strong body of business men, representing leading manu- facturing firms, and well qualified by previous experience to assist the engineering trades, collec- tively and individually, in turning their energies to the best account from the moment that British firms are liberated from their position as controlled estab- lishments. The functions of such a committee are twofold. It is necessary, in the first place, to ascertain exactly what new, departures in manufacture will afford the most promising field for development. In the second place, it is essential that there should be evolved some definite scheme of organisation which will prevent a number of firms from concentrating upon the same articles and thus running the risk of over-production in some directions whilst leaving other promising lines inadequately provided for. Obviously the first and most important step to be taken is to determine as near as possible what will be most urgently needed after the war. When the wants are once known, it should not be a difficult matter to apportion the work amongst the firms best able to cope with the demand. There should be no necessity for any loss of energy by internal com- petition for business. How then can the required information be best obtained? This question may be answered by referring to what is already being done by certain of the Government departments—such, for example, as the Local Government Board and the Board of Trade-. The Local Government Board has recently addressed letters to various local authorities, asking to be furnished with information as to works likely to be undertaken at the conclusion of the war. As is generally known, a vast amount of public work has been suspended or held in abeyance for the duration of the war. All kinds of public works, including housing schemes, sanitary works, water-supply schemes, and other enterprises are only awaiting the sanction of the Local Government Board before being put into operation. These various projects, to say nothing of larger national schemes, will demand a large quantity of engineering plant of different kinds. It should not be difficult to obtain accurate knowledge of the number of pumps, boilers, gas engines, or other plant, orders for which will be at once ready to be placed as soon as peace is declared. It is not necessary to leave the huge demand that will thus arise to be scrambled for. It ought to be possible not only to make provision for this work beforehand, but also to arrange for priority of supply of the materials for carrying it out. Then, as regards the Board of Trade, the new Department of Overseas Trade is rapidly being got into working order. The object of this department is to maintain direct touch between manufacturers at home and the various parts of the British Empire where markets exist. The new Trade Commissioner Service is designed for the purpose of obtaining accurate information as to the demand for British manufactures in the Dominions and Colonies of the Empire, and it will be equally its business to know what articles the British manufacturer can supply, and what steps are advisable to be taken to ensure that this business does not pass into the hands of foreign competitors. These two departments alone should be in a position to obtain just the kind of information which the Engineering Trades Committee require. Unfor- tunately, it has hitherto been the habit of our Government departments to work in watertight compartments, without any serious attempt at mutual co-operation. It would be doing good work to bring about more unity of effort; and it would certainly be advisable for the Engineering Trades Committee to take immediate steps, if that has not already been done, to turn to practical account the knowledge which both the Local Government Board and the Board of Trade will shortly have accumulated with regard to the prospective demand for engineering material at home and abroad. The Engineering Trades Committee should form a sort of clearing house for the arrangement and classification of all the most urgent requirements for plant and machinery. In this way a large amount of post-war confusion and delay could be avoided, and controlled firms would be able to pass into peace conditions with a minimum of disturbance. In the current issue of The Nineteenth Coal and Century and After, Mr. J. Ellis Iron. Barker has written an article entitled, “Coal, Iron, and the Domination of the World.” The German concep- tion, he says, that the nation which dominates the coal and iron resources of Europe dominates Europe itself industrially, commercially, financially and militarily, is correct. He sees grave danger in a failure to recognise this fact, and he deplores the tendency, still too prevalent with our statesmen and diplomats, to pay too much attention to political and racial questions and too little to the coal and iron problem. He asserts that the pre-eminence both of the Anglo-Saxon nations and of Germany is due primarily to mineralogical causes, and we may add that this view is also held by many eminent industrialists and men of science, although it has been hitherto almost ignored by historians and political writers. The thesis which Mr. Ellis Barker advances is worthy of serious consideration. He adopts, as a fundamental principle of the cause of all wars, ancient and modern, the theory that they have been due to economic considerations rather than to the effect of personal or national passions. In the early days, the agricultural question was dominant, and nations fought for the possession of territory in which abundant food could be produced, by which alone large populations and big armies could be reared. In modern times the growth of population follows not the development of agriculture but the output of coal and iron, the raw materials of munitions and machinery. It is perfectly true that population tends to segregate in the manufacturing areas at the expense of the agricultural districts. This is proved by experience alike in the United Kingdom, Germany and the United States. It is equally incontestable that the intensive production of machinery is only possible in countries where iron and coal are abundant, and if we are to attach to the possession of this mineral wealth the importance ascribed to it by Mr. Barker, there is no escape from his conclu- sion that North America is destined in due time to become the world centre both of population and military power ; for the coal resources of that country are at least five times as great as those of the whole of Europe. Mr. Barker proceeds to show that the industrial backwardness of certain countries is due not so much to lack of enterprise as to lack of coal. The industrial growth of Germany he attributes to the fact that that country possessed before the war 55 per cent, of the coal of all Europe and more than 70 per cent, of the coal of the European Continent. By the temporary conquest of Belgium and Northern France, Germany has greatly increased her relative preponderance in the possession of coal and iron; but we cannot help thinking that Mr. Barker attaches too much importance to quantity and too little to the quality of the material. Arguments based upon statistics of estimated mineral resources are likely to be somewhat wanting in perspective. This is the case not only in regard to coal, but still more so in respect to iron. The consideration of this point may not, perhaps, alter the order of precedence, but it tones down much of its significance. Suppose, for example, we compare Germany’s mineral resources with those of the British Empire—the only true comparison from the point of view of national ascendancy—the figures would point to a very different conclusion from that indicated in the article before us. From Mr. Barker’s figures, the united resources in coal and iron in Canada alone are certainly ten times greater than those of Germany. It seems to be scarcely reasonable to take the British Islands as representing the total potentiality of the British Empire. There has been too general a disposition to ignore the almost undeveloped mineral wealth of our young and self-governing dominions. Much of the latent resources of this large area remains yet to be exploited, for the simple reason that countries like Canada, Australia, India and South Africa have hitherto devoted their available energies mainly to other industries. But it would be wrong to conclude that this condition of things is permanent. The truth is that these countries are still in the making. Their full opportunities have not yet come, and new industries must always await their markets. Does anyone believe that the British Empire could not outbid Germany in any effort for supremacy based upon output figures of coal and iron ? Signs are not wanting that the old order of things is even now in a state of flux, and it is at least permissible to conclude that amongst the many changes that the war will bring about, not the least in importance will be a fuller development of the mineral wealth of the British Empire. Germany’s rapid industrial progress has been largely due to the fact that the war of 1870 gave her the possession of the minette ore of Lorraine—an important asset, without doubt, but still infinitesimal in comparison with the potential reserves in the hands of Great Britain. Nevertheless, we agree with Mr. Barker with respect to his main contention—viz., that our states- men have lived too much in the past, and have failed to realise the great importance of mineral development. That failing has already been fully recognised by the British Government, and it will be surprising if the lesson the war has taught us will ever be forgotten. It is for the people of the British Empire to see that this does not happen, and Mr. Barker’s contribution to the subject will certainly be helpful to this end. PARLIAMENTARY INTELLIGENCE. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—April 9. Military Service and Miners. Mr. Lloyd George, in referring to the levy in connection with the Man-Power proposals, said that there must be a very strict comb-out of some essential industries. Already 100,000 Grade 1 men had been taken from munition works. A call had been made on the coal industry for 50,000 men, and he regretted to say that military needs would necessitate the calling up of another 50,000 from that industry. The Government was convinced that these men could be spared without endangering the essential output of coal for national industries. The miners were loyal in meeting the present demand for 50,000 men, and he was confident they would meet this further demand in the same spirit in view of the great national emergency. The transport services were also being called upon to release the greatest possible number of picked men. The first new proposal was to raise the military age to 50, and in certain specified cases to 55, but only where men with special qualifications were needed. It was idle to imagine, as some light-hearted people seemed to think, that we had an unlimited reservoir of man-power in this country. We had already raised in this country for military and naval purposes nearly 6,000,000 men. We could not raise the same proportion of men per population as in other belli- gerent countries. The navy and shipping must be first. We had also to supply our allies with coal. Owing, how- ever, to the greatly increased efficiency of women’s labour, there was a reserve of men, consistent with the discharge of these obligations, that might be withdrawn in a great emergency for our battle line without impairment to the striking power of the country for war. The Brentford Gas Company has given notice of an increase of 8d. per 1,000 cu. ft. in the price of gas for the present quarter. Institution of Mining and Metallurgy.—The annual meet- ing of the Institution of Mining and Metallurgy was held yesterday (Thursday) evening in Burlington House, Piccadilly, London, W. The report stated that the council has dealt with questions of national importance affecting the future of the mining and metallurgical industries, and is confident that its action on these questions will result in far-reaching benefit. The council is watching carefully and preparing for dealing with problems of organisation and reconstruction after the war. As a result of negotia- tions the Revenue authorities accepted the claim that mines are wasting assets, and that amortisation of capital during life should be allowed. During the year 63 members were admitted into the institution. The total membership at December 31, 1917, was 2,365, as compared with 2,409 at December 31, 1916—a decrease of 44. Mr. Hugh F. Marriott has been elected as president in succession to Mr. Edgar Taylor. Mr. H. K. Picard has been elected as vice-president to fill the vacancy created by the death of Mr. George T. Holloway. Messrs. J. A. Agnew, C. O. Bannister, A. B. Suart and Sir H. Ross Skinner were elected members of council to fill existing vacancies.