268

THE COLLIERY GUARDIAN

August 6, 1915.

with 11 ft. planks. Victory meant life for their country.
(Cheers.) It meant the fate of freedom for ages to come.
There was no price which was too great to pay that was
within their power.

There was too much disposition to cling on to the
amenities of peace. Business as usual, enjoyment as usual,
fashions, lock-outs, strikes, ca’ canny, sprees, all as usual.
Wages must go up, profits must also improve, but prices
must at all costs be kept down. (Laughter and cheers.)
No man must be called upon to serve the State unless he
wanted to. Even then he had only to be called upon to
do exactly what he would like to do; not what he was fit
for, not what he was chosen for, but what he himself would
like to do. A man who could render more service by turning
out munitions must be allowed to go to the front if he
preferred to, and the man who, on the whole, would be
better at the front must be allowed to stay at home if he
felt more comfortable there. Freedom, after all, implied the
right to shirk. Freedom implied the right for them to enjoy
and for others to defend them. Was that reasonable? The
rules which were applicable in health are utterly unsuited
to a fever. (Hear, hear.) The trenches were not all in
Flanders. Every pit was a labyrinth of trenches in this
war; every workshop was a rampart; every yard which could
turn out munitions of war was a fortress. Picks, shovels,
lathes, hammers were as much weapons in this great war
of European liberty as the bayonet, the rifle and the machine
gun—(cheers)—and the man who did not handle them with
all his strength wTas failing as much in his duty as the
soldier who ran away from the battlefield.

The peril was great and immediate. But if the democracy
of Great Britain rose to the occasion they would once more
triumph over all the forces of despotism in Europe.
(Applause.) There were scores of thousands of brave men
—250,000 miners—many of them in the trenches facing the
death fury at that hour, waiting anxiously to hear the rattle
of the loaded cases coming from England to aid them. The
wagons were waiting outside the yard gates to be filled. He
called upon them to fill them. (Applause.)

Mr. Robert Smillie (President of the Miners’ Federation
of Great Britain) moved :—

That in the opinion of this meeting, representative of
the coal mining industry of Great Britain, every effort
should be made by the owners and workmen alike to secure
the greatest possible output of coal, in the interest of the
nation, during the period of the war.

He said that Sir John Simon and Mr. Lloyd George had
told them of the need that existed for the mining industry
to do everything possible to secure the largest output of coal
during the war. Cabinet Ministers should know best what
was wanted, and he, for one, accepted the statements those
two gentlemen had made. He took it they had made out
their case so far as coal for munition works, engineering and
kindred industries and the allied navies was concerned. No
doubt those activities had the first claim on suitable coal.
But side by side with the needs of the Navy, the engineering
shops and munition works, there was room for a plea for
cheaper coal for the poorer workers of our great cities. He
wanted a considerable increase in the output, so that those
poor people would not have to pay 30s., 40s. and 50s. per
ton for coal to keep themselves warm during the coming
winter. Their firegrates ought not to be empty in bitterly
cold weather. It had been suggested by the Coal Mining
Organisation Committee that mine owners should risk the
loss of legitimate profits, and miners the opportunity of
securing higher wages, by fixing the price of coal at a com-
paratively low figure, in the interest of a supply of cheap
coal to the people during the war. The Committee would
not have made that suggestion unless they had some hope
that the exploiter would not be allowed to come between the
mine owner (the producer) and the consumer, and get the
whole of the benefit. (Cheers.) The President of the Board
of Trade had said how difficult it was to protect the poor
consumer in London and the great industrial centres. But
the owners and men had agreed to make sacrifices in order
to supply the people and the industries with cheap coal.
They were prepared to accept the responsibility placed upon
them by the law, and it was the duty of the Government, if
the middleman would not do his part, to set up centres
whence coal could be distributed to the people at reasonable
prices. (Hear, hear.)

There was another point. The nasty word “ shirking ”
had been used a good deal in the past as applying to the
workmen of the country. (Applause.) He was proud to say
that every representative of the mine owners who had given
evidence before Sir Richard Redmayne’s committee had
said they had nothing to complain of in that regard : there
was no shirking amongst the men so far as production was
concerned. (Cheers.) Those witnesses were also asked
whether excessive drinking had not a good deal to do with
non-attendance at the collieries or a serious reduction in
output. He was proud and glad to say that they invariably
answered : “It has very little indeed to do with it.’’
Yet it was clearly proved, and admitted on their side, that
there was a considerable amount of absenteeism, not due to
illness or accident, which might and ought to be prevented.
(Hear, hear.) He wanted, however, to impress upon the
Government that it would be too much to expect a full
attendance of miners at the mines every day, in all circum-
stances and districts of the country. (“ No! ’’) It was a
physical impossibility in many cases because of the excessive
heat and other conditions underground.

He believed it was his duty—as one who had organised
the miners in times past to fight the employers, and, if
necessary, the Government—to appeal to every miner to be
at the pit every day the pit was open, if he were physically
able to be there .at all, during the period of the war.
(Cheers.) He would make no great appeal for harder work
in the pits. The mining community worked excessively hard
as it was. They were paid by results; that and necessity
were the wfliips that drove them on. No rule of the Miners’
Federation, nor, he believed, of any of its branches, restricted
the output by so much as one ounce. It was possible that
some of them, by extra strain while at the face, might get
more coal, and if they could do it without injuring their
health, ho appealed to them to do it. If, however, by that
extra physical strain the men produced more coal, their
wages must not be reduced. They know that in Durham
every man wTho worked to the utmost limit ran the risk of
reducing the average wrages of his section. He did not blame
the coal owners, because it was a mutually agreed upon
system ; but the arrangement ought to be suspended.

The first necessity of the situation was regular attendance
at the pits. If anything further was needed, they were
willing to meet the employers, nationally, to discuss whether
in particular districts certain holidays should not be given
up in the national interest. But whatever question arose
schould be first discussed between the owners and miners,

because they knew most about the mining industry and its
needs. (Cheers.)

Some responsibility rested on the Government. If they
were to attend on every possible day, and to give up their
holidays, the Government which controlled the railways,
must see that the pits did not stand idle for want of trucks.
In Yorkshire, though the men were willing to work six days
a week, some pits were going only two and a-half, three, or
four days a week, because of the shortage of trucks. What
they wanted was a full supply of wagons now, not months
and months hence.

The suspension of the Eight Hours Act had been
mentioned. He recognised that in very serious circum-
stances it might be necessary; but a case would have to be
made out for it, and the mine owners and miners were
entitled to discuss the matter and agree mutually that some-
thing should be done in that direction. Even after that,
there remained what the Coal Mining Organisation Com-
mittee and the miners hoped wuold be the last step to be
taken : the question of the reduction of the age for the
employment of boys above and below ground. He would
prefer that the men should work longer hours and harder
than that boys should work in the mines. (Cheers.)

The increased employment of women on the surface had
also been proposed. The employers and the miners did not
wish it; and, though it might ultimately be forced upon
them, they ought to wait until the crisis became so acute as
to make it necessary before they discussed that question.

In conclusion, he urged the delegates to repeat locally, as
far as they could, what had been so eloquently said by Sir
John Simon and Mr. Lloyd George. He felt sure they would
do all in their power, not merely to help the country at that
moment, but the people who were fighting “ over there ’’
for the liberty and freedom of this country as a nation, and
individual freedom for themselves. (Loud cheers.)

Mr. A. F. Pease (Acting President of the Mining
Association of Great Britain) said : In the absence of the
President of the Mining Association of Great Britain, Lord
Crawford, who had joined the R.A.M.C. as a private soldier,
he had much pleasure in seconding the resolution. They all
admired Lord Crawford’s patriotism, but they sadly missed
his counsel and advice in the abnormal times through which
they were passing.

He wished to thank Sir Richard Redmayne, in the name
of the Coal Mining Organisation Committee, for his courtesy
and patience in conducting the enquiry, which extended over
many weeks, and for unreservedly placing at the disposal
of the committee his intimate knowledge of the conditions
prevailing in every coal field in the United Kingdom. It was
satisfactory that they were able to present a unanimous
Report. There were, of course, some differences of opinion,
but they were all agreed if the Report was to be of practical
use to the country, it must be unanimous. So they omitted
the disputed points, and they hoped the Report would be
of some assistance to the Government.

He had a confession to make. Until he sat upon that
Committee he had no idea how little he really know about the
coal trade. Nothing had- so impressed him as the differences
between the commercial and working conditions of the
various coal fields in different parts of the United Kingdom.
Regulations and arrangements which suited one district
were absolutely inapplicable to another.

The Committee’s object was to discover conditions which
would either maintain or increase the output of coal during
the war, and he directed attention to paragraphs (9) and (11)
of the Report, dealing with the internal re-organisation of the
mines to secure a large output, and reconum nding economy
in the use of coal. In euphemistic language the resolution
was a recommendation to coal owners to rob their pits. It
really meant that, if they concentrated their mc.i in the
districts where coal was easiest gotten, and left for a time
the thinner seams and difficult places, because of the great
emergency through which the country was passing. That
entailed some risk to the future of the collieries, ft also
asked them in times of emergency to suspend all develop-
ments and extra work not immediately necess try for carrying
on the collieries.

On the question of economising coal, nothing satisfied them
better in ordinary times than for everybody to use as much
coal as possible, because prices, profits and wages all went
up. But both coal owners and workmen were being asked
to strain every nerve to increase the output, and he thought
the consumer should be called upon not to waste the result
of their increased efforts.

The restriction and even the abolition of coal exports had
been strongly advocated in certain quarters. There were
very strong reasons why they should export the largest
possible amount of coal. He was not thinking of immediate
profit, or even of the possible loss of customers, but of the
importance of sending coal abroad in exchange for food,
munitions and other necessaries. Coal being bulky formed
in many cases the outward cargo which brought back corn
and other necessary commodities. If, therefore, they
stopped or largely restricted the export of coal, they might
reduce its price in this country, but the price of every other
imported commodity would increase. Every man engaged
in the coal trade of the United Kingdom produced about one
ton a day for every working day. The output per man for
1913 was 259 tons. Therefore, every 259 tons of coal saved,
freed a man to join the Colours, or, estimated at £1 a ton
f.o.b., it gave them £259 to spend on necessaries from
abroad.

It was only fair to say that the coal owners—in his district,
at any rate—had done everything they could to encourage
their workmen to enlist, regardless of any effect it might
have upon the industry. In regard to the stoppage
mentioned by Mr. Smillie, in such abnormal times they
could not expect everything to go like clockwork. Boats
were commandeered by the Government, or torpedoed by
the Germans, and breakdowns were not unknown. But
the main cause of the delay was the licensing system, which
was -said to be necessary from high reasons of policy. So
long as it continued there would from time to time be
stoppages at the collieries. If, however, an accident kept
the miners idle for a week or so, they must not jump to the
conclusion that coal was not wanted, but that the dis-
organisation was only a temporary one. They must
remember they were at war, and that it was necessary to
judge things by a standard other than ordinary. It was
not an easy thing to do, because a great many Englishmen
would rather be shot than alter their way of living, and
tens of thousands in the coal trade would find it far easier
to put aside their work and risk their lives in Flanders, than
to alter their methods of working in this country. They
did not want a great alteration in their systems and modes of
working, because that would mean disorganising instead of
organising the coal trade. But there were a number of small
things which would enable the output to be increased, if
agreed upon by owners and miners in conference.

The great mass of owners and workmen were anxious
to do their duty. (Cheers.) But there were shirkers and
slackers who put their own interests first, and they could
only be controlled by force of public opinion. The main
thing was sel.-criti ism : Was each man doing all he ought
to do in the interests of the country? Most of them were
finding it difficult to keep abreast of their work, but every
man, from the top to tue bottom, should feel that every
extra bit of work he did was promoting the interest of his
country just as much as if he were in the fighting line in
Flanders. (Cheers.)

The resolution was put to the meeting and carried.

Mr. Adam Nimmo said he had been asked to invite the
delegates to express their thanks to Sir John Simon and
Mr. Lloyd George for the message they had brought, a
message full of patriotic zeal, having behind it the impulse
of a great national cause, and interpreting to the full the
national conscience and the national will at that time. It
was easy and not easy to say “ Thank you ’’ to those
gentlemen. It was easy if they merely used words and then
went back to their several avocations as if nothing unusual
had happened. It was not easy if they translated their
words into living and persistent deeds, if they backed them
up with concentrated effort, and made their "great industry
the servant of the State for the time being, that through
the State they might reach the great national goal they
had before them.

The only business before the meeting and the country at
that moment was the breaking down of the military aggres-
sion and arrogance of the German Empire—(cheers)—and the
maintenance of the free institutions wffiich had made the
country great. (Applause.) They ought to tell the Govern-
ment that the mining industry believed in the war, that
it would have been cowardly had they shrunk from
declaring war, notwithstanding the misery they were faced
with. (Applause.) They ought to say to the Government
from that great meeting : “ In God’s name go forward, and
hesitate not until the work of the nation has been properly
and victoriously accomplished.’’ (Cheers.)

They could render important services by refraining from
useless criticism, and by concentrating every ounce of energy
and power upon the work of giving the country the fullest
output of coal it was possible to produce. They had been
told, how important and valuable the industry was to the
nation, and they knew the enormous power they had in
their hands for good or evil. They knew also the great
responsibility that rested upon those concerned in the great
coal mining industry of the country. They would tell the
Government that they not only recognised the responsibilitv,
but would discharge it up to the hilt. (Cheers.) The task
they had taken up was a common task, a sacred task, and
the utmost limit of energy and power should be put behind
it, so that the country should be led on to a permanent and
glorious victory.

The obligations they desired to create were reciprocal
obligations. If an obligation rested upon owners and work-
men to produce the largest output of coal, an obligation
rested also upon the Government to sustain the industry in
the efforts it made. Many of them had misgivings, and
they wranted to be sure that the Government wTas behind
them, and recognised intimately and in detail the local
conditions, the qualities of coal they dealt in, and the
markets available for them, so that not one ton of coal might
be lost in the distribution between home and export trade.
Practically every ton of coal exported was worth its weight
in gold. He claimed that there should be a clear and well-
defined Governmental policy, and that when that policy
became known, every possible restriction on the output and
distribution of coal, at home and abroad, should be with-
drawn as far as possible. (Cheers.)

Mr. Stephen Walsh, M.P., in seconding the vote of
thinks, said there never was a meeting in the whole history
of trade unionism which had a higher sense of responsibilitv.
He was convinced it was impossible to find in the whole
United Kingdom a body of people more imbued with a
sense of their high responsibility in the great national
emergency than the Miners’ Federation of Great Britain.
(Applause.) Had it been possible to increase that sense of
responsibility, the speeches of the chairman and Mr. Lloyd
George would have done it. They had met to emphasise
the feeling of human brotherhood with those at home, in the
trenches, and on the seas, and he asked the delegates to
take that feeling to their branches and impress upon the
members with all the force at their command that to-day,
more than ever before, the salvation of the nation depended
upon the miners.

The vote of thanks was carried bv acclamation.

The Chairman (who was received with great cheering)
thanked the meeting, for himself and Mr. Lloyd George.
He congratulated Sir Richard Redmayne and the Committee
on the fruits of their efforts, and also thanked Mr. Brace,
Sir Thomas Ratcliffe-Ellis, and Mr. Thomas Ashton. In
conclusion, he said he would take to the Cabinet the message
of the meeting : “ That the country may rely upon the coal
mining industry of the United Kingdom to redouble its
efforts in order that we may defeat the foe.’’ (Loud and
prolonged cheers.)

The singing of the National Anthem closed the
meeting.

Hull Coal Exports.—The official return of the exports of
coal from Hull to foreign countries for the week ending
Tuesday, July 27, 1915, is as follows :—Amsterdam, 1.309
tons: Alexandria, 2,881: Bandholm. 4.146: Calais, 880:
Christiania, 754: Drontheim, 98; Dieppe, 791: Flushing’,
1,024: Gravelines 267: Guernsey, 224; Harlingen, 1.217;
Kallundborg, 1,990; Rouen, 121.656: Rotterdam. 2.262;
Stege, 2,158: Stocksund, 1,309: Svendborg, 799; Treport’
690; Trouville, 030—total, 145,085 tons, the above figures
do not include bunker coal, shipments for the British
Admiralty, nor the Allies’ Governments. Corresponding
period July 1914—total, 107.973 tons.	*

Mining Institute of Scotland.—A general meeting of the
Mining Institute of Scotland will be held in the rooms of
the Institute. 39, Elmbank-crescent, Glasgow, to-morrow
(Saturday), at 3 p.m. Mr. Robert W. Dron’s paper on
“ The Training of Mining Engineers,’’ will be discussed, as
will those by Mr. John Gibson on “ Some Notes on the
Education of the Colliery Manager,’’ by Mr. Henrv Briggs
on “The Resident Brigade System v. the System of Non-
Resident Brigades,’’ and by Mr. Michael M‘Cormick on “An
Auxiliary and Outfit for Attachment to Self-contained Rescue
Apparatus.’’ A paper will be read by Mr. Marcel Gillieaux
on “ Lining Shafts with Concrete Z-Blocks,” and a paper
by Mr. David Ferguson on “ The Origin and Development
of Mining and Metallurgy in the Ancient Empires of
Chaldea, Assyria, Media, and Persia.’’