THE COLLIERY GUARDIAN AND JOURNAL OF THE COAL AND IRON TRADES. Vol. CX. FRIDAY, AUGUST 6, 1915. No. 2849. The Organisation of Coal Mining. GREAT CONFERENCE IN LONDON. As the outcome of a recommendation made in the report of the Departmental Committee on Coal Mining Organisation, one of the most remarkable gatherings in the industrial history of the United Kingdom was held on Thursday, July 29th, at the London Opera House, Kingsway. The Home Secretary, Sir John Simon, K.C.V.O., K.C., M.P., presided. The meeting took the form of a conference of representatives of coal owners and miners from every coal field in the country, con- vened by the Government, at which there were about 2,500 present. The Government Departments and coal trade organisations represented included the Home Office, the Board of Trade, the Board of Education, the National Insurance Commission, the Ministry of Munitions, the Coal Mining Organisation Committee, the Mining Association of Great Britain, the Miners* Federation of Great Britain, and the English, Scottish, and Welsh Conciliation Boards. The proceedings were very enthusiastic throughout. After speeches by Cabinet Ministers, a resolution declaring that “ every effort should be made to secure the greatest possible output of coal,” proposed by Mr. Robert Smillie, and seconded by Mr. A. F. Pease, was put to the meeting and carried unanimously. Among those present were :—Mr. Lloyd George, M.P., Mr. Arthur Henderson, M.P., Mr. J. A. Pease, M.P., Mr. Wm. Brace, M.P., the Hon. A. Shaw, M.P., Mr. Stephen Walsh, M.P., Sir Edward Troup, Sir Richard Redmayne, Sir Thos. Ratcliffe-Ellis, Mr. Malcolm Delevingne, Mr. A. F. Pease, Mr. R. Smillie, Air. Adam Nimmo, Mr. Vernon Hartshorn, Mr. C. E. Rhodes, Mr. Thos. Ashton, Mr. D. J. Shackleton, Mr. S. W. Harris, Mr. R. R. Bannatyne, Mr. W. Walker, Mr. Arthur Locke, Mr. J. T. Davies, and Mr. W. E. T. Hartley. Sir John Simon (who was received with cheers) said the conference was called .together by the Government and those connected with the great coal mining industry of the United Kingdom. Representatives of every coal field and, he believed, of nearly every miners’ lodge in the whole country, were present. The Mining Association of Great Britain and the Miners’ Federation were both represented, and that great assembly proved how united the coal mining industry was in the crisis they were prepared to face. The object of the meeting arose from a very remarkable and interesting report made by the Coal Mining Organisation Committee, appointed by the Home Office and presided over by Sir Richard Redmayne. The Committee, which contained an equal number of representatives of coal owners and miners, arrived at an absolutely unanimous report, and made a series of recommendations as to how the output of coal could best be maintained during the present emergency. It must be done by voluntary co-operation. That was the spirit in which the Committee had reported; it was in that spirit that the Government had called the meeting together and counted upon them to promote the success of its object. The mining industry had responded splendidly to the appeal for recruits. (Cheers.) Whole regiments had been recruited from the colliery districts up and down the land. He had been assured by soldiers the most eminent that the miners carried to their work in the firing line the bravery and determination that actuated the industry throughout the country. In at least one military unit practically every private was a pitman, every officer and non-commissioned officer was connected with a colliery, and the commanding officer was one of H.M. inspectors of mines. (Cheers.) The miners had given to Kitchener’s Army a-quarter of a million men. The Government and the country looked to the coal owners to see to it that when these brave men came back to peaceful industry, places should be found for them again. (Cheers.) He felt sure it was the fixed intention and the firm resolve of the coal owners of the United Kingdom that the men who had served them faithfully in times of peace and the country in time of war, should not suffer when they came back and asked to resume their ordinary occupations. (Cheers.) Warfare involved more than actual fighting. It involved supplies, transport, and munitions, and those things depended absolutely upon a regular and abundant supply of coal. Furnaces must be kept stoked. The British Navy— that sleepless and incomparable guardian of our liberties— must be kept steaming. And it rested first and above all on the coal mining industry to secure that the necessary supplies were forthcoming. They had lost the comradeship of 250,000 miners. Those who were left, and all who were concerned in it, must turn their thoughts and all their energies upon seeing how best and most effectively they could carry on the great coal mining industry. The Committee, he had mentioned, had ascertained that, as a result of the con- tribution made by the miners to the Army, there was a shortage of no less than three million tons of coal month by month; but with good will and an effort greater than any hitherto made, it ought to be possible to recover some part of that shortage. They would remember that Lord Kitchener had asked the industry to shorten the Easter holidays. What happened? 800,000 more tons of coal were raised. It might be truly said that the pits were only open a certain number of days, and the men might work only a certain number of hours, and that it was difficult to see, under such conditions, how a greater output could be secured. But they were met together to consider within what limits those conditions might be usefully modified for the period of the war, and. he asked the owners to open their pits, and the miners to work on every day they possibly could. (Hear, hear.) They would not suppose that the country did not understand that those who spent the working hours delving in the bowels of the earth in darkness and danger, expected to pause in their labours from time to time. But at such a time as the present there were no holidays for anybody, and he was sure the coal mining industry would see how they could help the Government in that regard. (Applause.) The Eight Hours Act, though passed in times of peace, and in response to an overwhelming demand, contained a section which provided that in the event of war or imminent national danger or great emergency, the operation of the Act might be suspended by Order in Council to such extent and for such period as might be named in the Order. The Government, however, were not going to play tricks with that Act of Parliament without consulting them. (Cheers.) He hoped that masters and men in every area likely to be affected would consult together to see what suggestions they felt able to make to the Government—whether a temporary modification of this or that regulation—to increase the output of coal to the maximum quantity possible. In the course of long years of effort the miners had established rules, customs and practices designed to protect their labour. (Applause.) Nothing that he or anyone said was intended to belittle the importance of those rules, or to indicate that they could be abandoned or watered down. But there were adjustments and modifications which might be made in them during the period of the war. In return he pledged the honour of the Cabinet, the Government, Parliament, and the country that any relaxation in those rules and practices which, for national purposes, the miners made now, should be restored to them without alteration or modification, the moment the danger was past. The Government relied upon the coal owners similarly to modify their established rules and practices, and to do every- thing they could in co-operation with the men to see that suggestions calculated to increase the output and to assist the nation during the crisis, should be favourably received, carefully weighed, and generously accepted in every possible case. In that way, they were confident that great additions could be made to the output of coal in the coming months. One class of regulations, however, would never be modified : those designed to secure safety in the mines. (Cheers.) Nothing they were asking to be done ought in any way to modify or water down regulations made for the common good, not merely to protect the miners who might be injured, but the lives and limbs of all his fellows in the mine. (Cheers.) The right hon. gentleman concluded :— Our country stands at this time in an emergency, and is faced by a danger which it is impossible to overstate. If there is one feature of the coal mining industry which strikes the imagination of every man who studies it, it is the instant response which everyone connected with that industry habitually gives if some great and overwhelming disaster overtakes the mine. When the news spreads of some terrible explosion, who is there, miner or mine manager, who holds back when the call goes out for a rescue party? Is the appeal ever made in vain in any mining district in the land? (“ No.”) Gentlemen, nearly a year ago the greatest explosion that ever took place in the history of the world occurred in Europe. It was not the result of the secret workings of nature; it was not even due to the folly or the carelessness of some man. It was deliberately perpetrated. (Cheers.) It was long planned. (Cheers.) The German Emperor set fire a year ago to the mine, and we are calling for a rescue party. (Applause.) That explosion convulsed a continent. It has devastated thousands of square miles of fruitful territory. It has desolated tens of thousands of homes. And now we appeal to the mining industry of Great Britain to come and help in this work of rescue. For we are determined that this devastating fire shall be quenched, that peace and order shall be restored, that the dangers that threaten the freedom and the life of $11 who care for a free life, shall be removed, and that this terrible calamity, shaking as it does to their founda- tions the seats of the mighty and the humblest of homes, shall never, by dint of our efforts, and by the help of Heaven, be allowed to recur to curse the earth. (Applause.) That is the appeal we make for our mining rescue party, and we are very sure that the appeal will not be made in vain. (Loud and continued applause.) Mr. Lloyd George (Minister of Monitions) said it was an inspiration, even for a tired Minister to be confronted by this fine gathering of the representatives of the great mining industry of this country. In all capacities the miner was always in deadly earnest, always courageous, always loyal, a steadfast friend, but a dangerous foe. The Government had come there that day to appeal to him as a friend, as their friend, as the country’s friend, as the friend of liberty in all lands and in every clime. (Cheers.) They were suffering from the patriotism of the miners. The demand for coal was greater than ever; the supply of labour was less than ever. The Minister continued : “ In times of peace coal is the most important element in the industrial life of the country. The blood which courses through the veins of industry in this country is made of distilled coal. In peace and in war King Coal is the paramount lord of industry. It enters into every article of consumption and of utility, it is our real international coinage. When we buy goods, food and raw material, abroad, we pay not in gold, but in coal. We pay in diamonds, except that they are black, and not in gold. Coal brings meat and bread, say, from the Argentine, and brings it all the way. It does more. It pays across the counter there for it out of its own pocket. We cannot do without coal. In war time it is life for us, and death for our foes. (Cheers.) It not merely fetches and carries for us, it makes the material and the machinery which it trans- ports. It bends, it moulds, it strengthens, it purifies, it fills the weapons of war. Steel, rifles, machine guns, and cannons mean coal; shells are made with coal; the very explosive inside them is coal, and then coal carries them all right into the battlefield to help our men. (Hear, hear.) Coal is everything for us, and we want more of it to win victory. Coal is the most terrible of enemies, and the most potent of friends. That terrible casualty list of 350,000 British soldiers was a list of casualties inflicted by German coal; by the Westphalian miners working in co-operation with the Prussian engineer, without stint, without reserve, without regulations, putting their strength at the disposal of their Fatherland. It is coal that did that. Yes, and when you see that the seas over which the British flag flies with impunity from realm to realm and from shore to shore, are clear, when you find that the German flag has vanished from the face of the seas, who has done it? The British miner helping the Britsih sailor.” (Cheers.) He was not sure that they quite realised how important they were in this matter. They could not expect employers to hand over their workshops to the State. (‘‘ Why? ”) They could not expect them to turn their business upside down, and so go entirely out of their way in matters that affected them nearly; they could not expect workmen to suspend trade-union regulations to work overtime, to put forth all their strength, if all was going well and no further sacrifices were needed, and there was no deficiency or danger in any direction. It was the fact that the country was in peril that made the appeal to all classes to set aside every regulation and every practice. After reviewing the present situation, Mr. Lloyd George said they must pay the price of victory if they meant to get it. It was of no use trying to bridge a 12 ft. stream