578

THE COLLIERY GUARDIAN.

Mae ch 13, 1914.

interesting as showing that the ignition capacity
of unstemmed shots depends upon other factors
than mere explosive force, the nature and tempera-
ture of the end products being perhaps the most
important. The variations in pendulum swing are
not very great, the limits being 1*47 in. in the case
of nitro-densite, and 2*92 in. in the case of Bellite
No. 4. Only three of the explosives gave a swing
below 2 in. The meaning of this test may be
gathered from the fact that 4 oz. of the explosive are
used in each case, and the results may be compared
with the standard swing of 3*27 in. given by 4 oz. of
gelignite containing 60 per cent, of nitro-glycerine.
Bellite No. 4 and Monobel No. 1 are conspicuously
strong explosives on this list, but the charge limite in
the former case is nearly double that of the latter.

Although there appears to be a fairly wide choice
of explosives on the new list, it cannot be denied
that the loss of many old and tried compounds,
thoroughly known by prolonged experience, and
peculiarly fitted for the work required to be done,
will be a heavy blow to many colliery managers.
M. Watteyne, to whom the Frameries test is due,
appears to be convinced of the desirability of still
further increasing the rigidity of the test, whatever
the cost may be. La security des mines est a ce prix,
he says ; and therein lies the only possible justifica-
tion for the abolition of the old Permitted List.

The second annual meeting of the
Legislation Employers’ Parliamentary Associa-
and tion, which took place recently in
Trade, Manchester, was made the occasion
of an effective protest by business
men against the alarming tendencies of modern
legislation to increase the cost of production. As Mr.
Vincent Bramall, president of the Lancashire and
Cheshire Coalowners’ Association, very rightly
observed on that occasion, the coal trade has
undoubtedly been one of the greatest sufferers
by this policy. Such measures as the National
Insurance Act, the Minimum Wage Act, and the
Mines Acts have not only largely increased the cost
of mining coal, but have rendered it more difficult
to maintain the output. One serious consequence of
this policy must be to divert capital from those
industries in which modern legislation makes it
difficult, if not impossible, to maintain profits.

We are not disposed to argue the very debatable
question as to how far the State is entitled to regulate
the industries of a nation. But while politicians are
looking around for further “ pheasant roosts ” to
rob, it behoves employers to organise themselves for
the protection of their interests. The Employers’
Parliamentary Association is a body of comparatively
recent growth. Although professedly independent
of party politics, it is designed to watch the effects
of industrial legislation, and in the protection of
assailed rights it must perforce pose as a critic of
existing Governments, and in this sense its action is
necessarily partisan.

So far as the coalmining industry is concerned,
this work is already efficiently performed by the
Mining Association of Great Britain, a body which
has won its spurs on many a political battle-ground,
and has grown increasingly strong and powerful in
the process. Yet there is no reason why colliery
owners and coalowners’ associations should not take
an active interest in the younger and wider organisa-
tions whose purview covers the whole field of
British commercial enterprise. Eor inasmuch as coal
is the driving force of our national industry, this very
fact renders it subservient to industry in general and
dependent upon its welfare.

A direction in which an organisation like this
association can exercise a powerful influence is in
postulating a demand for the repeal of the infamous
Trade Disputes Act. This Act has visited large and
small industries alike, and it might be thought that
the resolution passed by the delegates of central
associations of employers, held in London a few
weeks ago—at which over 40 employers’ federations
and associations were represented—was one that no
conscientious Government could ignore. Sir Bichard
Temple, who presided, pointed out that wage-earners
outside the unions were in a proportion of 8 to 1,
yet the labour unions had been able to trample with

impunity on the rights and privileges of that huge
majority for the reason that they were not legally
responsible for what they might choose to do, or for
any wrong they chose to inflict.

All the satisfaction obtained from the Government,
however, was an extremely curt reply by Mr.
Asquith to the effect that he proposed to do nothing
in the matter on the ground that there was no
necessity for an enquiry. Undeterred by this point-
blank refusal, the Association of Chambers of Com-
merce returned to the attack on Tuesday. Resolu-
tions on the Trade Disputes Act had been put
forward by Leeds, Leith and Bradford. The Leeds
resolution affirmed that the Act should be amended
in two directions, namely (1) by limiting the number
and powers of pickets, and (2) by applying the
ordinary law of agency, with proper limitations, to
acts committed by or on behalf of trade unions. By
agreement between Leeds and Leith, the latter’s
motion was amalgamated with the former’s by an
addition of words urging the Government ‘‘ to take
immediate legislative action in the direction desired.”
That the Government will do so is very unlikely,
seeing that the Prime Minister has declined even to
give the traders the usual sbp of a departmental
enquiry, although the demand for it was backed up
by thirteen members of the Industrial Council. At
the annual dinner of the association Mr. Asquith
avoided any allusion to the topic, contenting himself
with a eulogy of the trade union principle, which,
theoretically, is unassailable.

Yet the consequences of this Act, undermining as
it does the whole quality of personal responsibility,
are much more vicious and extensive than is com-
monly supposed. It is remarkable that, although
trade unionists profess to despise and deprecate
Syndicalism on account of its crudity, the advance of
this policy of violence was contemporaneous with
the passing of the Trade Disputes Act, and since
then the syndicalistic leaven in the trade union loaf
has been visibly more active. Not only the oppor-
tunists in the camp, but the most powerful unions
also are lending themselves to the support of such
principles. It is now stated that negotiations have
practically been concluded for a preliminary meeting
of the executive committees of the Miners’ Federa-
tion, the National Union of Railwaymen, and the
Transport Workers’ Federation, to arrange a joint
policy of agreement and of mutual aid in time of
strikes. Can anyone doubt the portent of such a
movement ?

Mr. Hartshorn, the ‘1 advanced” leader of the
Welsh miners, has given us a clear indication. The
employers in the future are to have no voice in the
settlement of wages, and, as for the non-unionist,
the union is no longer going to take the trouble of
talking to him; he will be ground beneath the
juggernaut of “ joint action.”

Surely it is the duty of the Government to take
determined action if the rights of the individual are
not to be entirely subverted and social institutions
perpetually deranged. One of the greatest levers
that the trade unions possess is the Trade Disputes
Act, and there can be no doubt that they hope to
achieve much more in the way of privilege at the
.hands of Parliament. Yet the Labour men who, in
the House of Commons, parade the votes of so
many millions of working men, are not really assured
of this support. There are men of independent
thought even in the unions themselves, as shown by
the interesting return just made by the President
or the Board of Trade with respect to the recent
‘ ballot on the question of the political levy. In
many of the unions less than a cjuarter of the members
have recorded their votes. In all, the Chief
Registrar of Friendly Societies reports, up to
January 16, 473,880 votes were cast in favour of
political action, and 323,613 votes against—a
majority which most of the societies themselves
would regard as insufficient to carry resolutions.

Lawrence Brothers (Peterborough) Limited. — This
private company has been registered, with a capital of
.£1,000 in .£1 shares, to carry on the business of manufac-
turers of and dealers in bar and sheet iron, and castings, &c.,
also to enter into an agreement with R. Knight, New-
street, Oundle, Northamptonshire, B. Everingham, and A.
Lawrence, both of Chapel-street, Peterborough, who are
the first directors.

LMOra MO WO.

North of Englando

Last Monday and Tuesday saw a slight stoppage at
the Dean and Chapter Colliery, Ferryhill. The night-
shift putters had a grievance about the turns of the
hand-putters and absented themselves from work, being
joined by the hewers on Tuesday afternoon. It is
pleasing to note that the local lodge officials did not
countenance such a step being taken by the men
and boys. On Tuesday night, however, a satisfactory
settlement was arrived at and work was resumed.

A special delegate meeting of the Durham County
Colliery Enginemen’s Association was held at Durham
on Thursday of last week to consider the question of
amalgamating with the boilermen, firemen and members
of kindred societies. After a lengthy discussion it was
agreed not to take part in the forthcoming conference
on the subject, as the meeting believed their interests
would be best served by remaining members of a union
composed of colliery enginemen only.

A further meeting of representatives of the North-
umberland coalowners and of the Miners’ Association
was held at the Coal Trade Offices, Newcastle, on
Saturday, to consider the report of a sub-committee on
the proposal to establish a sliding scale for the
regulation of miners’ wages in the county. Mr. T.
Taylor presided. The report contained suggestions by
the owners and counter proposals by the men. The
meeting was adjourned until Saturday, the 28th inst.
It is stated that up to the present very little progress
has been made.

Federated Area.

A special meeting of the Coal Conciliation Board for
the federated mining districts of England and North
Wales was held at the Westminster Palace Hotel,
London, this week, at the request of the miners’ section
“ for the purpose of considering resolutions passed at
each meeting of the Board when the last three 5 per
cent, advances in wages were agreed upon, and the
application of those advances to the minimum rate of
wages in each district. Mr. F. J. Jones (Yorkshire),
chairman of the Board, presided, Mr. Stephen Walsh,
M.P. (Lancashire), occupied the vice-chair, and there
was a good attendance of members, with the joint
secretaries, Sir T. Ratcliffe-Ellis and Mr. Thos. Ashton.
The meeting was convened at the request of the York-
shire miners to deal with the situation which has arisen
in the South Yorkshire coalfield as a result of the
interpretation placed upon the wage resolutions of the
Conciliation Board by the South Yorkshire Coalowners’
Association, as affecting the minimum wage paid under
the Minimum Wage Act of 1911. Since the passing
into law of the Minimum Wage Act the Conciliation
Board has mutually agreed to three separate advances
of wages of 5 per cent, each, and the resolutions have
specifically stated that these advances were to be added,,
in the case of workmen who failed to earn the wage, to
the minimum wage granted by the independent chair-
man of the District Board. The Yorkshire miners
recently appealed to the district chairman, Sir Edward
Clarke, K.C., for an advance in the minimum,
and he awarded sixpence to all workmen, raising the
minimum wage of coalgetters from 6s. 9d. to 7s. 3d. per
day, and other grades of workmen proportionately.
Subsequent to the award, the secretary of the South
Yorkshire Coalowners intimated to the Miners’ Associa-
tion that their interpretation of the resolutions passed
by the Conciliation Board was that in the cases of men
who actually earned the minimum fixed by Sir Edward
Clarke they were not required to add the amount of the
three percentages of 5 per cent, each, which is really
sixpence per day, but in the case of workmen whose
earnings were below the minimum of 7s. 3d. the percen-
tages would continue to be added. This interpretation
of the Conciliation Board agreements was immediately
challenged by the Yorkshire miners, who pointed out
that if the coalowners’ interpretation was correct, any
workman who earned 7s. 2d. per day would have his wages
made up to 7s. 9d., the full amount of Sir Edward
Clarke’s award, plus the three 5 per cents. If the
workmen earned 7s. 3d. per day, or any sum between
that wage and 7s. 9d., then the coalowners would not pay
anything, as according to this interpretation the
minimum wage had been earned by the workman. The
miners’ representatives at this week’s meeting urged an
even more important objection—that the adoption of
such a system would develop a new form of malingering,
and be a hindrance to honest work on the part of the
workmen. It was pointed out that the workman who
earned anything beyond 7s. 3d. and less than 7s. 9d.,
and was deprived of the three advances making the
wages up to 7s. 9d., would take care in future weeks to
see that his average earnings fell below 7s. 3d. per day,,
so as to secure the full payment of 7s. 9d. In this way
the owners would find the system work out unprofitably
for themselves. After a three hours discussion of the
matter the meeting was adjourned without a decision
until Friday afternoon, March 20. There is a danger
that the Yorkshire miners may precipitate a crisis by
deciding, at their own county meeting on Monday, to
hand in notices to cease work.

The Lancashire and Cheshire Miners’ Federation, at
their meeting on Saturday will be usked to approve the
terms of a new agreement by which the wages of colliery
surfacemen in the two counties will be fixed at 4s. 7d. a
day. The terms are 2d. less than the miners asked for
and 6d. more than the employers in the first instance
offered.

The general manager of the Blackwell Colliery Com-
pany has informed the men’s officials for the Blackwell
A Winning Low Main seam that he proposes to change
the method of felling the coal in that particular seam
from screen to shovel, which will necessitate a reduction
of 2Jd. per ton upon the getting prices. The men’s lodge
has refused to submit to any reduction, and the
manager has written the local secretary saying that he